This is the title of the second research paper published by the Institute of International Monetary Research (IIMR), by Adam Ridley. This is a brief summary extracted from the paper, which is fully available at http://www.mv-pt.org/research-papers:

‘Output growth in the leading Western economies has been weaker since the Great Recession of 2008 and 2009 than at any time since the 1930s. According to the International Monetary Fund’s database, advanced economies’ gross domestic product was flat in 2008 and dropped by 3.4 per cent in 2009. Although 2010 enjoyed a rebound with 3.1 per cent growth, the next three years saw output advancing typically by a mere 1 ½ per cent a year. This was well beneath the pre-2008 trend.

In the leading Western nations the official response to the Great Recession has had a number of well-known and familiar common features, although policy has been far from stable or easy to predict. The elements of this response constitute what might be termed the “New Regulatory Wisdom” (NRW). How is to be defined? What has been its impact so far? And what will be its effects if it is maintained into the future?’


Video on changes in bank regulation during and after the Global Financial Crisis

You can also find a video below with further insights on this fundamental topic to understand the collapse in broad money growth in the midst of the Global Financial Crisis, and thus the aggravation of the crisis. The effects of tightening bank capital regulation are quite straight forward; in order to comply with higher capital to assets ratios, banks would have to sell their assets and thus reduce the amount of deposits (bank money) in the economy. This means a contraction in banks’ balance sheets and in turn a fall in deposits (broad money). The effects of such contractionary regulation is addressed in detail in Money in the Great Recession (Ed. Tim Congdon. 2017). In view of recent proposals to even increase capital ratios further the IIMR will hold a conference in this topic in november 2017 (more information with the programme and speakers to follow after the summer)

Comments welcome.

Juan Castañeda


Following up my last post on the eurozone crisis and the monetary policy of the ECB (see IIMR esearch Paper 3: Have Central Banks forgotten about money? by my colleague Tim Congdon and myself), please find below a video with further details on the changes made to the monetary strategy of the ECB since its establishment.

What I claim in the video is that the ECB did give a prominent role to the analysis of the changes in broad money up to 2003, when it reviewed its strategy, and not surprisingly it led to a higher rate of growth of money in the Eurozone in the years running up to the Global Financial Crisis. Just to be clear, I do not support that any central bank should adopt a ‘mechanistic’ monetary growth policy rule, by which the bank adheres to an intermediate M3 (or broad money) rate of growth target come what may. The link between money and prices and nominal income is indeed very strong over the medium and long term, but it is of course affected by other variables/phenomena in the short term that need to be properly considered and taken into account by policy makers. So rather than a mechanistic approach to such a monetary target, changes in money growth should be given a primary role in assessing inflation and nominal income forecasts, and thus in the making of monetary policy decisions; and this is precisely what the ECB did from 1999 to 2003 under its two-pillar strategy. So when money growth continuously exceeds the rate deemed to be compatible with monetary stability, this would signal inflationary pressures and even financial instability the central bank would eventually tackle by tightening its monetary policy. This rationale would show the commitment of the central bank to both monetary and financial stability over the long term, and the use of a broad monetary aggregate would serve as a credible indicator to make monetary policy decisions and as a means to transmit the central bank’s expectations on inflation and output growth.

As ever, comments very welcome.

Juan Castañeda

PS. More videos on the IIMR YouTube channel




This is the title of a research paper I have written with my colleague and leading monetarist, Professor Tim Congdon, and published by the Institute of International Monetary Research (IIMR). This is a brief summary extracted from the paper, which is fully available at http://www.mv-pt.org/research-papers:

The quantity of money matters in the design of a monetary policy regime, if that regime is to be stable or even viable on a long-term basis. The passage of events in the Eurozone since 1999 has shown, yet again, that excessive money growth leads to both immoderate asset price booms and unsustainably above-trend growth in demand and output, and that big falls in the rate of change in the quantity of money damage asset markets, undermine demand and output, and cause job losses and heavy unemployment. This is nothing new. The ECB did not sustain a consistent strategy towards money growth and banking regulation over its first decade and a half. The abandonment of the broad money reference value in 2003 was followed in short order by three years of unduly high monetary expansion and then, from late 2008, by a plunge in money growth to the lowest rates seen in European countries since the 1930s. The resulting macroeconomic turmoil was of the sort that would be expected by quantity theory- of-money analyses, including such analyses of the USA’s Great Depression as in Friedman and Schwartz’s Monetary History of the United States.

This paper argues, from the experience of the Eurozone after the introduction of the single currency in 1999, that maintaining steady growth of a broadly-defined measure of money is crucial to the achievement of stability in demand and output. The ECB did not sustain a consistent strategy towards money growth and banking regulation over its first decade and a half.

The chart below illustrates our point very well:












As ever, comments very welcome.

Juan Castañeda


It is a privilege to work so close to Tim Congdon particularly since I was appointed Director of the Institute of International monetary Research (IIMR) in January 2016. Tim is the Chairman of the Institute and indeed a leading reference for those who want to understand monetary economics and central banks’ policy decisions; and in particular the role played by changes in the amount of money in circulation on changes in prices (all prices, CPI and asset prices) and nominal income along the business cycle. Changes in the amount of money do lead to portfolio decisions made by households, financial institutions and non-financial companies. The rationale is quite straightforward: in normal times agents tend to keep a rather stable cash to total assets ratio in their portfolios, so the greater the amount of money in the hands of (say) banks and insurance companies, the greater their willingness to invest it in other assets such as real estate, bonds (either long term or short term maturity bonds, or public or private bonds) or equity looking for a greater remuneration. And, should the creation of more and more money continues, it will eventually lead to an increase in the demand of consumption goods and services. Consequently asset prices (and CPI prices, though to a lesser extent) will change as a result of the greater demand for assets in the market and thus higher prices. The new equilibrium in the economy will be reached when agents have got rid of the excess in cash balances in their portfolios so now they keep again their desired cash to asset ratio. As a result of it all the amount of money in the economy will be greater and so will be the price level. M. Friedman and A. Schwartz explained it as clear as marvellously in the 1960s and it remains valid today as a theoretical framework to assess inflation and changes in nominal income.

This is in a nutshell the core of the explanation of monetarism; of course the process by which a greater amount of money in circulation ends up in higher asset and CPI prices can be more complex and, particularly when applied to a policy scenario, it will require a more detailed explanation. Of course there are lags in the transmission of money changes onto prices, as agents take time to assess the market conditions and make their own portfolio adjustments. In addition, institutions matter so a more regulated (less free) economy will require more time to reflect the new monetary conditions on the price level. On top of that the central bank and other financial regulators may interfere further in markets by making new monetary policy decisions, or even changing regulation regarding banks’ capital and/or liquidity ratios. This will make the picture given above more nuanced but by no means invalid; what we know, and there is plenty of evidence about it, is that a sustained increase in the amount of money over the increase in the supply of goods and services in the economy (say the GDP growth) will over time lead to higher prices.

On the 20th of April at the University of Buckingham I had the privilege to discuss with Tim Congdon on (1) what monetarism means nowadays, (2) which are the common criticisms of monetarism and (3) the relevance of monetarism for investment and monetary policy decisions. In fact, in the last few minutes in the video Tim sets up very clearly what it can well be labelled as an operational monetary policy rule for central banks to make policy decisions.

Many will find monetarism a not very fancy or topical term; call it instead rigorous monetary analysis then. As long as we focus on the impact of changes in the amount of money on prices and nominal income I do not think we should pay too much attention to labels. Unfortunately there is virtually a vacuum in this field in our days, as most central banks (not all) and financial regulators have seemed to forget or even disregard the valuable information provided by the analysis of changes in the amount money (and how it is created) for monetary policy purposes.

Enjoy the video with the interview below; comments, as ever, very much welcome.

Juan Castañeda

PS. You can find further videos on money and central banking at the IIMR Youtube channel



Should the allegations published by the BBC (on Panorama programme) last week be confirmed, this news brings very serious concerns for the credibility of the Bank of England (BoE) and also the trust of the general public in the banking sector. Ours is a fractional reserve monetary system with no ‘metallic anchor’, but purely based on trust and the record and effectiveness of the BoE and the rest of the banking sector. The alleged pressure of the government and the Bank of England to keep LIBOR (London Interbank Overnight Rate) artificially low back in the Autumn of 2008 (in an effort to send the message that banks and money markets were not that disrupted) erodes the sound functioning or markets and the formation of interest rates, which are key signals for households and companies in planning their decisions.


But why messing with LIBOR?! Central banks have plenty of monetary weaponry to tackle a liquidity crisis

Instead of interfering in the functioning of the interbank market (as alleged), should the Bank of England had wanted to prevent the contagion of a panic in the banking sector after the fall of Lehman Brothers in the Autumn of 2008, it could have done it much more promptly and effectively by being a more active (last resort) lender of the banking sector: i. e. by extending the maturity of the loans and increasing the amount of the loans given to the banks. Following Walter Bagehot´s seminal narrative of the way the Bank of England should step in if a liquidity crisis occurs, it should do so by (1) lending promptly as much as money as needed, (2) against collateral and (3) at a penalty rate (usually at a higher rate than the main policy rate). Before 2007, the Bank of England had been acting as the lender of last resort of the British banks very successfully for more than two hundred years, and there had not been major bank collapses in the UK; at least when compared with the record of other central banks. The application of this more active and timely lending of last resort policy at the time would have been a much more efficient, effective and indeed transparent way to prevent the banking crisis from escalating further; and also a more effective way to send the message to the public the Bank of England was actively responding to the crisis.

I was quoted in an article published by S&P Global Market Intelligence (Sohia Furber) about the allegations of the rigging of the LIBOR in 2008 (see more at http://www.mv-pt.org/latest-news).


Juan Castañeda

PS. You can read the piece published by S&P on the 12th of April at: http://www.snl.com/web/client?auth=inherit#news/article?id=40298030&cdid=A-40298030-11831



Esta es la charla que di el 23 de Marzo de 2017 en una de las sesiones del ‘Free Market Road Show’ organizado por el Circulo Liberal Bastiat en Sevilla. Hablé de las bases del comercio internacional y recordé con ello lo que para muchos serán obviedades, y para muchos otros ideas revolucionarias. Por lo oído en los últimos meses tras la victoria de D. Trump en EEUU, así como las posiciones de unos y otros en el debate de Brexit y las negociaciones que ya se apuntan entre el Reino Unido y el resto de la Unión Europea, los fundamentos del comercio internacional que durante décadas eran conocidos por todos, y casi diría que sus beneficios eran reconocidos por la mayoría de los economistas, han pasado a estar en entredicho. Es frecuente oír a líderes políticos (en incluso a economistas, lo que es de echarse a temblar!) de ambos lados del Atlántico que los puestos de trabajo del país deben ser para los nacionales así como ha de favorecerse a la producción nacional, incluso cuando ésta es más cara e ineficiente que la producida en el exterior.

Dicen los contrarios a la globalización que la protección de la producción nacional beneficia al país que la aplica; y lo hacen sin fundarlo en absoluto en evidencia empírica alguna, ni presentar una explicación teórica alternativa del comercio y sus efectos. Esto no es sólo intelectualmente muy pobre y desolador, sino que la aplicación de su nacionalismo económico llevaría a nefastas políticas económicas que sabemos bien en que terminan; porque se han aplicado repetidamente en varias ocasiones a lo largo del la historia y siempre acabaron en: (1) menos desarrollo de la economía y la riqueza a escala mundial y (2) más pobreza para los países que restringen más el comercio (mayores precios de los bienes y servicios, subsidio de empresas nacionales ineficientes, meso dinamismo e innovación, …). Los bien intencionados parecen no querer aprender y se empecinan en restringir el comercio todo lo que pueden … . Otros, aún a sabiendas de sus efectos sobre la mayoría de la población apoyan estas medidas porque les benefician (me refiero a los sectores productores nacionales menos competitivos que presionan cual ‘lobbies’ al gobierno de turno en búsqueda de protección comercial). De verdad hace falta otra contracción del comercio como la de los años 1930 para dares cuenta de sus efectos tan perjudiciales para todos?

Como digo, es lamentable si bien muy necesario tener que insistir una vez más en los efectos perniciosos para la economía provocados por la imposición de políticas proteccionistas. El nacionalismo económico siempre ha conducido al empobrecimiento de las naciones, y en algunas ocasiones al enconamiento de las rivalidades y conflictos políticos entre naciones que nunca acabó bien … . Recordemos algunas de esas obviedades en cuanto al comercio internacional que cuento en más detalle en la presentación:

(1) El comercio beneficia a las dos partes:

  • No se impone, se acuerda
  • La imposición de aranceles y otras trabas al comercio:
    • Perjudica a los consumidores: encarecimiento de los bienes y servicios
    • Sostiene una industria nacional ineficiente, necesitada de proteccion
    • Aumenta los ingresos del Estado (en el corto plazo)
    • Supone, al final, un impuesto a los exportadores nacionales: menos competitiva en mercados internacional.

(2) Comercian personas y empresas:

  • No hacen falta tratados para comerciar
    • Los tratados comerciales suponen la politización del comercio
    • Son el instrumento de los Estados para dar entrada a ‘grupos de interés’ en la mesa de negociación
  • Los acuerdos generales de comercio multilateral son más eficientes que los acuerdos bilaterales entre Estados

(3) A partir de ello, lo que propongo para el Reino Unido y el resto de la UE es lo siguiente:

  • Reino Unido: Declaración unilateral de libre comercio con el resto de Europa
    • No importa lo que haga el resto de Europa: beneficia a los consumidores y productores británicos
    • Y si el resto de Europa impone aranceles? Perjudicara a los consumidores Europeos
  • Ventajas:
    • Fin a una hipotética ‘guerra comercial’ que perjudicaría a todos
    • Fin a interminables y costosos tratados comerciales …
    • Evita la actuación de grupos de presión que solo buscan intereses corporativos
  • No soy nada original. Esta es la propuesta reciente hecha por Patrick Minford (2016) ‘No Need To Queue: The benefits of free trade without trade agreements’. IEA. London


Aquí podréis ver el video con mi presentación. Como siempre, vuestros comentarios serán muy bienvenidos.

Juan Castañeda


On the 13th of March (IEA, London) I had the pleasure to participate in the launch of the new MSc in Money, Banking and Central Banking (University of Buckingham, with the collaboration of the Institute of International Monetary Research), starting in September 2017; and I did it with two of the professors who will be teaching in the MSc, indeed two excellent and very well-known experts in the field: Professors Geoffrey Wood and Tim Congdon. I have known them both for long and shared research projects and co-authored works in money and central banking; and it was a privilege for me to have the chance to  introduce the new MSc, as well as to engage in a fascinating dialogue with them on very topical and key questions in monetary economics in our days: amongst others, ‘How is money determined? And how does this affect the economy?’; ‘Is a fractional reserve banking system inherently fragile?’; ‘Does the size of central banks’ balance sheet matter?’; ‘If we opt for inflation targeting as a policy strategy, which should be the variable to measure and target inflation?’; ‘Why the obsession amongst economists and academics with interest rates, and the disregard of money?”; ‘Who is to blame for the Global Financial Crisis, banks or regulators?’; ‘Does tougher bank regulation result in saver banks?’; ‘Is the US Fed conducting Quantitative Tightening in the last few months?’.

You can find the video with the full event here; with the presentation of the MSc in Money, Banking and Central Banking up to minute 9:20 and the discussion on the topics mentioned above onwards.  Several lessons can be learned from our discussion, and however evident they may sound, academics and policy-makers should be reminded of them again and again:

  • Inflation and deflation are monetary phenomena over the medium and long term.
  • Central banks‘ main missions are to preserve the purchasing power of the currency and maintain financial stability; and thus they should have never disregarded the analysis of money growth and its impact on prices and nominal income in the years running up to the Global Financial Crisis.
  • A central bank acting as the lender of last resort of the banking sector does not mean rescuing every bank in trouble. Broke banks need to fail to preserve the stability of the banking system over the long term.
  • The analysis of both the composition and the changes in central banks’ balance sheets is key to assess monetary conditions in the economy and ultimately make policy prescriptions.
  • The analysis of the central banks’ decisions and operations cannot be done properly without the study of the relevant historical precedents: to learn monetary and central banking history is vital to understand current policies monetary questions.
  • Tighter bank regulation, such as Basel III new liquidity ratios and the much higher capital ratios announced in the midst of the Global Financial Crisis, resulted in a greater contraction in the amount of money, and so it had even greater deflationary effects and worsened the crisis.

These are indeed key lessons and principles to apply should we want to achieve both monetary and financial stability over the medium and long term.

I hope you enjoy the discussion as much as I did. As ever, comments and feedback will be most welcome.

Apply for the MSc here!

Juan Castaneda